Saturday, November 1, 2008

Brazil : A Global Player


In the new issue of Foreign Affairs, journalist Juan de Onis writes about Brazil’s present opportunity to establish itself as the dominant regional power, fulfilling its long-awaited goals. But Onis underlines that the process remains “a work in progress” and Brazil must deal with corruption, outdated tax and labor codes, and inequality. Los Angeles Times warns that the present credit crunch affects Brazil’s efforts to modernize and expand its infrastructure, especially Brazilian President Luis Inácio Lula da Silva’s flagship Growth Acceleration Program, in partnership with the private sector.

In an article published earlier this month in Poder magazine, COA’s Eric Farnsworth says Brazil “can no longer be taken for granted,” and urges the next U.S. administration to work closely with this new global player.
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Brazil's Big Moment
A South American Giant Wakes Up
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Foreign Affairs, November/December 2008

After decades of stop-and-start growth and political disorder, Brazil today seems poised to finally fulfill its long-unrealized potential as a global player. The key features of Brazil's awakening are widely recognized: expanded exports, oil discoveries, financial stability, low inflation, growing foreign and domestic investment, booming consumer demand, social assistance focused on the neediest, and democratic political cohesion. Brazil's diverse economy is now founded on strong sectors in oil, mining, agriculture, and, more recently, biofuels -- all of which have benefited from a combination of technological advancements and strong incentives for private investment. The country now boasts a GDP of $1.58 trillion, which ranks in the top ten worldwide.

Brazil's ascendance is not the result of lucky breaks. Although global factors, such as rising commodity prices and easy access to foreign capital, have helped, there has been no tropical alchemy or voodoo economics. The secret of Brazil's current success lies in the continuity of its sound economic and political management. Over the past five years, under the leadership of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (known as Lula), Brazil has continued the market-friendly economic policies begun by previous governments that tamed inflation and stimulated private investment.

Still, Brazil remains a work in progress. Continued stability and future growth will require avoiding the mistakes of the past while finding new solutions to the problems that remain. These include rampant corruption, stalled tax and labor reforms, low levels of domestic saving, inadequate achievements in public education, and not enough highly skilled labor. Successfully resolving such issues would allow Brazil's rise to continue, and Brazil -- long viewed as a peripheral country -- would finally become a global player.
MORE THAN A PETROSTATE
Brazil's booming economic growth and newfound geopolitical importance became especially clear last year with the discovery of major new oil and gas deposits under the South Atlantic continental shelf in Brazilian waters. An initial find in the Gulf of Santos was quickly followed by others, and by mid-2008 it was being hailed as "a new North Sea." Industry estimates of Brazil's oil reserves tripled, to 40 billion barrels, less than those of Iran, Iraq, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and the United States but equivalent to those of Nigeria and Venezuela. This placed Brazil in the ranks of the ten countries with the largest oil reserves, making headlines in a world reeling from oil priced at over $150 a barrel and fearful of another war in the Middle East.

It will take several years and at least $300 billion to bring the newfound oil and gas into full production. These offshore fields are the deepest marine properties in the world, three to four miles below the surface and covered by thick layers of salt. The cost of drilling and gathering the oil is high, estimated at $60 a barrel. Still, the payoff for Brazil in terms of energy security and economic growth will be enormous. Until last year, Brazil was struggling to maintain self-sufficiency in oil, producing two million barrels a year.

SOURCE:JUAN DE ONIS
JUAN DE ONIS is a former correspondent for The New York Times and the Los Angeles Times who lives in Brazil. He is the author of The Green Cathedral: Sustainable Development of Amazonia.
From Foreign Affairs, November/December 2008,
http://www.foreignaffairs.org
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October 27, 2008
Economic crisis hits as Brazil builds
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Financing is jeopardized for road, port and energy projects the country hoped would hasten its growth.
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Sao Paulo, Brazil -- With investors and credit markets spooked by the global financial crisis, Brazil is facing delays in crucial billion-dollar public works projects that it needs to modernize its economy and join the upper tier of world powers.

Word of likely delays in electric power, oil and wood pulp projects comes as Brazil hosts an emergency meeting today in Brasilia of leaders of Mercosur, the trade bloc that includes Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile and Bolivia.


Markets across the hemisphere were battered last week. Brazil's main stock index, Bovespa, plummeted nearly 40% this month after the finance minister encouraged banks to merge and the nation's central bank said it was committing $50 billion in reserves to shore up the currency, the real, which lost 17.5% of its value against the dollar last week.

Prices of commodities, on which Brazil and other countries in the region depend, sank like stones. The World Bank, Inter-American Development Bank and International Monetary Fund all said they would offer billions of dollars in short-term credit to Third World countries reeling from the global shocks.

In Brazil, the mood has darkened since mid-September, when President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva flippantly referred to the crisis as "President Bush's problem" and assured Brazilians that hundreds of billions' worth of major port, road and electric power projects would go ahead.


But in recent weeks, the credit crunch has begun to affect plans near and dear to Lula's heart, including a $250-billion Growth Acceleration Program in partnership with private industry. The plan was designed to make up for a 25-year deficit in public works construction since currency devaluations and hyperinflation plagued Brazil in the 1980s and 1990s.

Central Bank President Henrique Meirelles, who last month said the nation had enough reserves to protect the currency, is taking a more cautious tone these days. He told reporters Friday the "situation is very, very serious. We should stop making jokes about it."

The gravity became evident Friday, when the leader of a 160-member group of the nation's largest contractors, known by its initials ABDIB, pleaded with Lula to establish a $5-billion emergency loan fund to provide short-term credit for infrastructure projects already in progress or about to begin construction.

"Credit is closing down or getting expensive," said spokesman Jose Casadei of ABDIB. He added that $40 billion in hydroelectric projects, some situated in the Amazon, were among those in jeopardy.

Last week, Brazil announced it was putting off an auction for building the $3.5-billion Rio Madeira high-tension power line stretching from the Amazon basin to the outskirts of Sao Paulo. State-controlled oil company Petrobras indicated it may delay a deadline for proposals from companies interested in exploring a promising offshore field called Pre-salt, a project that could put Brazil in the major league of oil exporters.

Other Latin American nations are coming to grips with the crisis. Mexico said last week it would put off initial phases of a multibillion-dollar port and rail project called Punta Colonet in Baja California, 150 miles south of San Diego. According to the plan, the project would rival the Long Beach-Los Angeles port complex.

Big private projects also have been affected, including new and expanded mines in Peru and Chile, and the construction in southern Brazil of a huge wood pulp factory. The factory's promoter, Aracruz, was one of several companies burned by the collapse of Brazil's currency in recent weeks.

The crisis hit Brazil -- flush with four years of economic growth, strengthened public finances and growing investor confidence -- as it was preparing a massive push to address its infrastructure gap.

Brazil has added little in the way of ports, roads, electric power capacity and air terminals since the late 1970s. The nation's stagnant economy and debt default in the 1980s, and boom-and-bust cycles in the 1990s, made planning and financing such megaprojects next to impossible.

Now, a healthier economy has only made the infrastructure deficit more acute. Those arriving at Rio de Janeiro's international airport, for example, are met by an overpowering stench emanating from the surrounding saltwater lagoon that has become a sewage catch basin for much of the city.

The lack of adequate infrastructure also is apparent during the soybean harvest at the port of Paranagua south of Sao Paulo, where trucks line up for 15 miles to unload their cargo. Sao Paulo's chronic gridlock bespeaks the lack of a ring road around the metropolis of 18 million residents.

A dry season in the Amazon, where much of the nation's hydropower is generated, could lead to a nationwide electricity brownout, said Adriano Pires, director of the Rio-based think tank Brazilian Center for Infrastructure.

"We are now dealing with the consequences of low growth and the weakened capacity of the state to plan and implement public policy," said Joao Carlos Ferraz, an economist at a Rio-based development bank known by its initials BNDES.

To respond, Lula had pushed for the construction of a variety of projects under the Growth Acceleration Program, including a north-south railroad, two major hydroelectric dams in the Amazon, liquid natural gas facilities and 4,000 miles of roads.

In a twist for a longtime socialist, Lula was leaving much of the financing for megaprojects not to Central Planning but to private companies. Advisor and former Finance Minister Delphim Netto said Lula realized he couldn't pay for his ambitious social projects while also funding brick-and-mortar projects.

Now the projects may remain plans for some time.

"The government will have to cut spending," said Paulo Levy, an economist with the IPEA think tank in Rio de Janeiro. Plans to finance public works were based on tax revenue projections "that are falling because of the crisis."

Aldo Musacchio, a Harvard Business School economic historian and Brazil expert, said he doubted the infrastructure projects would get done.

"The higher cost of capital for Brazil is an obstacle, as well as the uncertainty that the crisis has brought upon the economy," Musacchio said. "They still haven't grasped how harsh the crisis will be."

SOURCE:
Chris Kraul, Staff Writer,
Los Angeles Times
chris.kraul@latimes.com
Contribution by
Special correspondent Marcelo Soares
LAT Home > World News > Latin America
http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/world/latinamerica/
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October 2008
Brazil Rising
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To the extent people are talking about Latin America during this presidential campaign, the primary issues have been Cuba, immigration, and trade. All are important and well worth discussing. At the same time, focusing on these matters to the virtual exclusion of others in the region threatens to overlook a number of other pressing and pertinent topics which are literally remaking the hemisphere, and the world. And it is an appreciation of these broader issues that will underlay the prospects for success of hemispheric policy in the next administration.
A case in point: rising Brazil.

OK, let’s dispense right away with the outdated and unfunny joke about Brazil always being the country of the future. If those sentiments were ever true, they are emphatically not now. In fact, one of the most important issues that the next U.S. administration may need to deal with—not just in South America, but perhaps globally as well—is the rise of Brazil and how that will play into a range of important matters including trade, energy policy and global climate change, and nuclear non-proliferation. If handled with sophistication and deft diplomacy, this changing worldscape can be of real benefit for the United States. If ignored or mishandled, it will prove to be an unnecessary additional challenge to US interests among the many others that will face the incoming President, his administration, and the new Congress.

Virtually all the economic news coming out of Brazil these days is positive, and Brazil’s global weight has dramatically increased as a result. The largest economy in South America and now the world’s 10th largest, Brazil’s emergence as a middle-income BRIC nation, with powerful growth rates driven by the global commodities boom, have repositioned Brazil as a global actor. Annual growth is projected at over 4 percent for the next several years, not Chinese-equivalent rates and indeed slightly less than the 4.4 percent average of recent years, but nonetheless stronger than the longer term average of just over 2 percent. Economic stability has been maintained by successive governments and remains a high priority. Inflation is contained and manageable, and debt is now investment grade. Direct, fiscally-responsible steps are being taken to reduce grinding poverty and the income gap. Banco Itaú, Embraer, Petrobras, Vale, and a number of other companies are globally competitive. Brazil enjoys a new prominence on energy due both to its agriculture sector producing sugar-based ethanol as well as huge proven oil and gas reserves newly discovered in the deep water off the coast.

This cascade of economic news has had important international implications. Perhaps the most obvious has been Brazil’s impact in global trade discussions, where the country’s grasp has now proven equal to its reach. The country can no longer be taken for granted, it is now a global player on trade. Brazil’s efforts to forge a new, independent center of gravity have fundamentally changed negotiation dynamics going forward. Along with other interested parties, Brazil now has an important and in fact historic opportunity to advance the global and hemispheric trade and investment agenda in a manner consistent with its efforts to be seen as a responsible global actor.

More broadly, we have yet to really hear Brazil’s voice in global energy discussions, but it’s coming like a freight train onto the international scene. Already the world is lapping up sugar based ethanol as fast as Brazil can produce it. Were the U.S. market to be fully open to Brazilian ethanol—and there’s really no sound reason why it should not be—the story would be even more impressive. Fully opening our market to Brazilian ethanol would help address our own addiction to oil, while providing an energy source less harmful to the environment than the burning of conventional fuels.

But it’s Brazil’s recent finds of oil and gas in the deep water that are really grabbing the world’s attention. China and other developing markets’ growing thirst for fuel has caused gas to spike well above $4 per gallon in the United States and even more elsewhere. With recent finds of massive reserves, Brazil has the potential to become the eighth largest oil nation in the world, surpassing Russia. That’s a game changer. Technical and other issues must first be resolved. But once they are—and they will be—Brazil stands to profit handsomely both financially and politically from its new status in energy. As a result, the nation will have an even larger and potentially positive role in hemispheric and world affairs. The United States is already working to develop an energy partnership with Brazil, and efforts should continue along these lines under the new U.S. president. But more, much more, can be done.

At the same time, Brazil can play an important role in advancing the cause of global nuclear non-proliferation, particularly with reference to Iran’s efforts to enrich uranium. Brazil is one of only a handful of nations that has voluntarily foresworn the development of nuclear weapons, yet it maintains an active nuclear program for peaceful purposes. The Lula Administration has also convened leaders from the Middle East for summit discussions on a developing trade, investment and energy program between the two regions. For these reasons Brazil is perhaps uniquely suited, should its leaders so desire, to play an important role in working with the international community to help ensure a peaceful, positive outcome to the reality of Iran’s continued push for enhanced nuclear capabilities. Such actions should be discussed as a priority matter between the United States and Brazil, as a nuclear-armed Iran could well be one of the most important strategic issues facing the next U.S. administration.

It must be said that not all is perfect in Brazil, just as not all is perfect anywhere including the United States. Education rates and workforce development issues cry out for attention. The tax regime continues to be overly complicated and burdensome. A strategy of building “national champions” in industries will have to be addressed at some point through competition policy. According to the World Bank, it takes 152 days to start a business, compared to 77 in the rest of Latin America. Personal security continues to be problematic, particularly in the cities.

And yet, Brazil is undergoing a second economic takeoff establishing it as a major global player. This has already had important effects globally; more will follow. From the U.S. perspective, this offers a significant opportunity to pursue mutually beneficial interests in a spirit of partnership and mutual respect. This is not about hemispheric policy, it’s about global foreign policy. To the next administration: take note.

SOURCE:
Eric Farnsworth,
Poder,
Vice President of the Council of the Americas,
http://www.as-coa.org/

Brazil ethanol, sugar sector sees hard times ahead

Reuters, Tuesday October 28 2008
SAO PAULO - The global credit crunch delivered the latest punch to the gut of Brazil's ethanol and sugar industry, which has been struggling with low margins over the past couple of years.
The bright prospects of some years ago seem to have folded according to producers and analysts participating in the annual Datagro Sugar and Ethanol Conference in Sao Paulo this week.
They still believe in the sector's potential in the long term but also expect pain to deepen in the short term.
"The sector was already in its own crisis before the credit turmoil, due to oversupply (of sugar), falling prices and rising input costs," said Jose Pessoa de Queiroz Bisneto, president of the family-origin Pessoa group of mills.
His group was in talks to sell its 50-percent share in a mill in Penapolis, in Sao Paulo state, but sees the deal as unlikely for a while due to the financial turmoil.
"Now, there are more people who want to sell (companies), and less people who want to buy," he said, adding that the arrival of large groups in the sector has driven up equipment, land and input prices, consuming the group's margins.
Cosan, one of Brazil's largest sugar and ethanol companies, could be one of the groups interested in takeover opportunities during the crisis, said chief operating officer, Pedro Mizutani.
"Cosan always grew in crisis," he said adding that investment plans for 2009 will be kept unchanged.
But Cosan is also facing a hard time financing trade. And investment plans for 2010, including the start-up of two new mills in Goias state, could be delayed or even canceled depending on market conditions.
"The whole sector has to rethink investments," Mizutani said.
Mizutani said Cosan has easier access to credit than most of its rivals but this does not mean that the financial turmoil does not affect the group that saw its shares go down sharply in recent months as investors opted for safer investments.
"If you take Cosan's current share price, they do not reach one quarter of our assets," he said. Investors are confused about companies' prices.
MERGERS AND ACQUISITIONS
Brazil's sugar and ethanol industry has been in rapid expansion over the last few years, and companies have been leveraging strongly to invest in future capacity.
Many also face losses from the depreciation of the real to the dollar, as much of their debts were dollar-denominated.
"It's a complicated moment," said analyst Datagro's president, Plinio Nastari. "They leveraged to invest. Investments were greater than their cash flow."
Now, with the credit constraints, producers who are weaker financially could be forced to sell their product at any price to make money, causing price volatility to grow, he said.
This has already happened on the local ethanol market, where prices have fallen recently despite the prospect of low supplies in the interharvest period - January to March 2009.
The head of the Sugar Cane Industry Association (Unica), Marcos Jank, said that the credit crisis has also strongly reduced the capacity of Brazil's cane sector to get trade financing as well as blocked investment credit.
"We need money to finance ethanol stocks during the interharvest period and to satisfy the world sugar demand," Jank said.
Analysts and producers say the sector will see a strong rise in mergers and acquisitions, as weaker companies become takeover targets and expansion will come at a slower pace.
"The biggest consequence from the financial crisis is consolidation replacing expansion," said the head of the International Sugar Organization (ISO), Peter Baron, adding that this may not be unhealthy.
Investment in new mills in Brazil was expected to reach $33 billion through 2012, Unica said.
"Money is difficult to get, everything will be a bit slower. Some projects may not materialize at all," Baron said.
"I think what is happening now is a lot of panic reaction, it doesn't have anything to do with the real situation. Fundamentals of the market are quite OK," he said.
After some years being a net exporter of sugar, India is expected to import 1 million tonnes of sugar in 2008/09 and 4 to 4.5 million tonnes in the following season, Nastari said.
Even if the credit crunch hits car sales in Brazil, demand for ethanol is expected to remain strong.

SOURCE:
By Inae Riveras,
Editing by Reese Ewing and Marguerita Choy,
www.guardian.co.uk/business

Chavez has his own Chinese built, launched satellite



October 30, 2008
The first Venezuelan telecommunications satellite was launched Wednesday from the western Chinese province of Sichuan. The 3.1 ton satellite, named after Latin American liberator Simon Bolivar, was built by China at a cost of 406 million dollars and puts Venezuela in the region’s space club which includes Brazil and Argentina.
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Also known as VENESAT-1, the satellite has a 15-year lifetime and was built by China Space Technology Academy, which also trained Venezuelan professionals in the field.

Once in its final orbit at 36,500 kilometers and with its solar panels deployed, the Simon Bolivar satellite will begin a certification testing period that takes between one and two months. Following tests its will begin carrying radio, television and other data transmissions in early 2009.

Chavez watched the launch by television with Bolivian President Evo Morales at an observation centre just south of Venezuela's capital.

"This is a satellite for freedom," Chavez said in a nationally televised address following the launch.

The satellite could potentially serve military purposes such as listening in on telephone conversations, but Venezuelan officials insist their intentions are peaceful. Among other purposes the satellite will bring telecommunications coverage to a rugged part of south-eastern Venezuela where land lines are difficult and costly to build and maintain.

After rejecting offers from France and Russia to build the satellite, Chavez turned to China in 2004. The populist leader has been building up Venezuela's military and its technology with help from Russia, China and Iran.

Information Minister Andres Izarra said the satellite will help expand the reach of the Caracas-based Telesur television network, which is financed mostly by Venezuela.

Uruguay joined Venezuela in the project, donating an orbit to which it has rights in exchange for 10% of the satellite's transmission capacity.

"The agreement yields great benefits to Uruguay, which does not have the resources to make the investment, and for Venezuela, which does not have an orbit at its disposition" said Science Minister Nuris Orihuela. Venezuela plans another satellite launch in 2013.

Ms Orihuela revealed that the total cost of the project is 241 million dollars, plus 165 millions dollars for the construction of two control stations in Bolivia and Guárico, Venezuela.

The agreement for the launch of the Venezuelan satellite also involved a technology transfer with China. Under the deal, 90 Venezuelan specialists have worked on the satellite - with the first 30 arriving in China on March 2, 2007.

These engineers acquired basic knowledge at the Beijing University of Aeronautics and Astronautics, and also received professional satellite engineering training, together with the second group of technicians that arrived later that month. Venezuela also bought military technology from China, and the two countries have made various agreements in the oil industry.

Source:MercoPress,http://www.mercopress.com

Mexico Approves Watered-Down Oil Industry Reform


Mexico’s Congress has passed a watered-down energy industry reform that enables private contractors to participate in the state-owned oil business but won’t likely draw enough investment to reverse declining production in the third-largest oil supplier to the United States.
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Wednesday, October 29, 2008
Mexico approves opening oil industry to private sector
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In a turbulent session, the Mexican Congress Tuesday approved seven bills reforming the state oil company Petroleos Mexicanos (Pemex), which holds a monopoly on the industry, to allow participation by private international firms.
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Mexico's lower house voted 326 to 133 to approve the version passed by the Senate last week. According to the new legislation, Pemex is now set to be more autonomous from the state with private international companies allowed to take part in the modernization process.

However private sources believe this won’t be enough to attract sufficient investment to reverse declining production. Mexican oil production has dropped 10% this year to an average of 2.8 million barrels a day

Mexican President Felipe Calderon put forward the initiative months ago, as a reaction to the country's falling oil production and decaying infrastructure.

The reform allows deep-water exploration only on a straight contractual basis, instead of paying private companies based on the amount of oil they find. Private investment in the building and operating of oil refineries also was ruled out under pressure from leftist lawmakers.

Former leftist presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador led the opposition effort against such a "privatization" of Pemex. Some 30 supporters of Lopez-Obrador, the former Mexico City mayor, occupied the speaker's podium in Congress in an effort to prevent a vote but were unable to prevent the vote.

However, several members of his Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) voted in favor of the bill.

SOURCE:
MercoPress, http://www.mercopress.com

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Saturday, October 25, 2008
Mexico moves to reform oil industry with private sector
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Mexico’s Senate approved this week changes to the country’s oil sector designed to halt rapidly falling production and ensure Mexico’s oil self-sufficiency in the medium term. The bill must now be considered by the Lower House
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The changes, which follow seven months of fierce debate, will give greater financial autonomy and more decision-making flexibility to Pemex, the country’s state oil monopoly. The company’s 11-person board of directors will also gain four independent members, potentially improving transparency and corporate governance.

However, the reform places strict limits on the role of private companies, and rules out the possibility of production-sharing contracts, which are favored by the world’s leading oil companies but prohibited by Mexico’s constitution.

The reform also bans the private sector from building and owning refineries or participating in areas of oil transportation – in contrast to the government’s original proposal.

Even so, Agustín Carstens, Mexico’s finance minister, admitted that the reform ”should, in principle, be enough” to steady the country’s rapidly falling oil production.

This week, Pemex reported that total production of crude in September fell almost 10% compared with 12 months before, averaging 2.8 million bpd. The dramatic fall reflects both the sharp decline of the Cantarell oil complex, which for years accounted for about two-thirds of Mexico’s total production, as well as the lack of new discoveries. Besides, oil revenue accounts for about 40% of total federal-government income.

Mr Carstens said that the reform would make Pemex into a more efficient company:”by making Pemex more flexible, we will get a much more effective and a much stronger company . . . it is an important step”.

George Baker, who runs energia.com, a Houston-based oil consultancy said that “the law itself will not ensure increased production but at least it sets in place the possibility of better decision-making in the future

Mexico sends more than 1 million barrels a day to the U.S., making it the third-largest source of U.S. oil behind Canada and Saudi Arabia, so America also stands to lose if Pemex doesn't develop its reserves.

Mexico nationalized the oil industry in 1938 out of anger over exploitation by US and other foreign companies, and it has long treated Pemex as part of its national identity. Foreign and private companies are barred from investing directly in Pemex.

SOURCE:
MercoPress, http://www.mercopress.com
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Oct. 28
Mexico's Lower House Approves Changes to Oil Industry
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Mexico City -- Mexico's lower house of congress approved measures to give state-owned Petroleos Mexicanos more leeway to hire private and foreign companies.

Lawmakers led proceedings at a makeshift stand on the floor of congress after opposition legislators allied with former presidential candidate Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador seized the usual podium, waving Mexican flags and setting off air horns and sirens in a bid to derail the vote.

The passage is a political victory for President Felipe Calderon, who overcame two attempts by opponents this year to block congress from voting on the measures, said Jeremy Martin at the Institute of the Americas in La Jolla, California. Nonetheless, the initiatives won't stop a drop in reserves that will eventually force Mexico to begin importing crude, he said.

``It didn't work out quite as well as Calderon hoped,'' said Martin, who directs the energy program at the institute. Still, ``any kind of energy reform in Mexico is important. It's an incremental step.''

The measures, already passed by the Senate and only awaiting Calderon's signature to become law, will allow the state-owned company, known as Pemex, to sign service contracts that provide performance-based incentives to outside companies. They show that Calderon is able to pass controversial legislation that his predecessors were unable to muster, Martin said.

Lawmakers led by resistance from the opposition Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI, amended Calderon's plan by removing a measure to let other companies operate refineries.

Protests

The plan also met resistance from Lopez Obrador's Party of the Democratic Revolution. He and his supporters first shut down congress in protest for two weeks in April, chaining the doors to congress and camping in sleeping bags on the lower house floor.

Calderon has said his proposals would free up funds for exploration to help reverse declining production at the company, without jeopardizing the state monopoly on oil. Opponents say the initiative would transfer Mexico's oil wealth to foreigners and the business elite, and that cutting Pemex taxes is a better option for giving the company money to use for exploration.

``The reform guarantees that only Mexicans will own our oil,'' Calderon said in speech televised nationally at 9 p.m. local time. ``The stimulus the reform gives our oil industry, will allow us to reactivate our economy.''

Since Pemex was created with the expropriated assets of U.K. and U.S. oil companies in 1938, the government has enforced the clause of the federal constitution that gives the state the exclusive right to process and distribute oil and natural gas.

Democracy

The protests by the opposition lawmakers signal the arrival of democracy less than a decade after 70 years of one-party rule ended, said Miguel Tinker-Salas, professor of Latin American studies at Pomona College in Claremont, California.

A body that once served as a rubber stamp for Mexican presidents proved Calderon's biggest obstacle to revamping the oil industry, softening what is perhaps the most important initiative of Calderon's term, he said.

``Congress has been exerting more power, pressuring the executive, and that's the reflection of greater democracy,'' Tinker-Salas said. ``That would have been unheard of when the president was all-powerful.''

The PRI forced Calderon to drop his original plan to change the constitution and let Pemex form partnerships with foreign and private oil companies, possibly allowing them to a own stake in newly discovered reserves, Pemex Chief Executive Officer Jesus Reyes Heroles said July 24.

Pemex's monthly crude output fell to 2.72 million barrels a day in September, a decline of 14 percent from a year ago and the lowest since November 1995, on decreased demand from U.S. refiners and as its largest field declined.

Crude output has declined for four years, and Pemex only has reserves to last about 9 years, according to government estimates.

Mexico has 12.4 billion barrels of untapped oil reserves, or 10 percent of the world's crude, according to the U.S. Energy Department. The country's reserves are declining because most formations in the Mexican section of the Gulf of Mexico remain unexplored, the department said last year.

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SOURCE:
Jens Erik Gould : jgould9@bloomberg.net;
Adriana Lopez Caraveo : adrianalopez@bloomberg.net
http://www.bloomberg.com